Friday, April 24, 2009

释迦•悉达多•乔达摩 (Siddhartha Gautama)



[以历史的眼光看待佛陀,我们可以从平凡中看出他的不平凡。]




如果有人对“佛”产生了兴趣,想知道这个名词背后的人物故事,和意义。那么他/她最好翻开佛教专用词典,查索“佛”这个名词,然后将看到以下的答案:佛(梵语Buddha),意为觉悟者,有智慧的人,不为世间的贪欲、嗔怒、愚痴、傲慢、偏见等种种情感所左右、妨害的人。一个看透了人生由出生,经历世间变化、喜怒哀乐、病苦到衰老,然后死亡的智慧老者。他的名字叫释迦•悉达多•乔达摩,很多时候人们尊称他为释迦牟尼佛,“ 牟尼”为圣人的意思。“释迦”是他的姓。所以合在一起为:释迦族的觉悟者,或圣人。他是佛教的创始人,出生于北印度喜马拉雅山骊脚下(现在尼泊尔境内),释迦部落族长之子。

释迦族,这一雅利安血统的民族,也不知何时在喜马拉雅山骊脚下,建立他们的部落?现在我们只知道雅利安人,起先是个游牧的民族,不喜欢城居生活。大约在公元前3000多年前后,他们从现在的俄罗斯境内出发,开始了第一次迁徙,一路跨过高加索山脉,进入现在的伊朗(古时的波斯国)。在那里,他们放牧了近两个世纪之久,繁殖了人口,伺养了大量的牲口,也形成了各自的部落。后来,马匹增多了,军队强大了。于是他们有了新的想法,开始了新的征程。

这一次与第一次的迁徙明显不同,他们兵分两路。一路人沿了西下的夕阳进入了欧洲的腹地。这批人一路烧杀走来,掠夺了大量的财物,进入现在的德国后,便在那里下了木桩,搭起了帐缝。不走了,决定要过安定的生活。另一路人,循了东升的微熹,横马跨过皑皑的兴都库什山,进入印度河流域——现在的巴基斯坦境内。在那里,他们的铁蹄践踏了繁荣、富饶的印度河文明;他们手中的火把,焚烧了千年的兴盛,也烧垮了连垣的楼阁。而他们那无赖、可笑的《吠陀》神创世说,硬是把比他们不知文明了多少倍的善良的印度河流域人民,说成是贱民、奴隶!

雅利安人不久之后又南下印度征战,统治全印。这是个团结的民族,也是个残忍的民族。他们有荣耀的过去。但到了公元前600年,悉达多•乔达摩时代,这一民族在政治上已走上分歧,也走向了衰落。相续而起的是印度原有贵族和雅利安人与印度人的混血族群。



在北印度雅利安人的族群中,年轻的悉达多是个有思想,喜爱在寂静中思考问题的年轻人。他善骑射,力大无比,可一挡十。精通各家文学、宗教,熟读四《吠陀》,但却厌恶其中的神创世说,以及由此衍生的种族划分制度,要求从人性上,人人平等,不分男女。他追求精神上的自我训练,所以是个彻底的靈修者。

大约在他20岁生日过后的一个夜晚,在父亲净饭的催促下、在姨母摩诃波闍波提的劝说下,悉达多不久与同族叔叔的女儿耶苏陀罗结了婚。婚后,两人有过一段幸福的生活,随后育有一子名罗候罗。后来——大约就在他29岁的时候——一次偶然的因缘催生了他出家的决心。那一次,作为族长继承人的他,代父出巡疆土,探望族民。起先连续的三次出巡,分别见到了以下的三种现象:老人、病人、和死人。

老人没有了昔日的光泽,只见皮褐面皱,举步维艰,背驼齿疏;而往日那喷发着激情的眼神,怀抱宇宙的胸襟,此刻也已然被岁月消磨得了没踪影。这震撼了悉达多那颗年轻的心。

病人就瘫在路旁、不住地抽搐,没有了往日尊严的身躯,也令他惊叹!

而死人那雪白僵硬的尸体,水肿瘀青、变形的脸庞,不再有美丽与英俊。在在使他对人的生与死产生了永恒的思考。

据说,此后的悉达多沉默寡言,常常一个人茶饭不思,躲开家人在寂静处思考人生的问题。

他始终是个天生的思考者——一个对人生意义思考的人。而不是个天生的政客,或政治家。尽管他出生在有权势的政治家庭,受过良好的战士训练,精通搏击、骑射之术,部族之中无人能敌;也尽管他的父亲以及联盟的族群,都寄希望他来统一北印度,结束这小国林立,纷乱动荡、民不聊生的岁月!然而,他那沉思的性格,和对政治漠视的态度,注定了他日后在政治上要让族人失望!

而这一切也将发生得很快,令人措手不及。只待他的第四次出巡,遇见那令他折服的僧人!



那是个阳光明媚的早晨,沉思中的悉达多被父亲唤醒。父亲劝促他再次出巡疆土,探望族民,以示未来领导人的亲善。这也是父亲从政治上对他的的希望!悉达多不想令父亲不悦,同意了。于是车夫准备了马车,门丁打开了城门,卫士在前引路。这一次悉达多想换个地区看看,一行人早早从北门出,开始了一天的行程。

这一天行程顺畅。族民们看到他时的欢呼,也证明了他是个受爱戴的未来领导人。但是他并没有为此而激动,或如常见的政治人物,站立在子民面前,摆出一幅慈祥的面孔,大手一挥,于是海呼万岁!

悉达多只是静静地坐在马车里,他不是个个性张扬的人。只是我们有时看到他探出头来,向路边的族民挥挥手,然后坐回车里,进入原来的沉思中!

“——啊!这些族民,他们的眼神多么的善良、纯朴;笑声多么的可爱、无邪。可我此刻却在问人生世间为何?政治地位?名利财富?但是除了这些表面而又易逝的东西,我们对内在世界那永恒的追求又是什么?在这纷乱的岁月、群雄并起争夺的年代,我已见证了太多的政治人物、名利场人,在一夜之间失去所有,悠悠而逝!

“财富和地位是如此的无常,它们就像晨起托于荷叶的露珠易逝!而我们对内在自我的了解又有多少?我们的躯体受者欲望的驱使行走于无意义间。为了满足自我的内在欲望,我们的肉体成了心的奴隶!游荡于淼淼的欲海中,忘了它有生、老、病、死这样的痛苦。于是我们失去了本真,而行为也不再听从那来自内在的声音!”

马车行走在不平泥泞路上的颠簸、族民雀跃的欢呼已不能唤醒沉思中的悉达多,此刻的他进入了思维的禅定当中去了,那里是一片了无生机的茫茫旷野;那里是辽无涯际的浩瀚烟波。

“问题的核心是什么呢?解决的途径在哪?”带着这样的疑问,悉达多闷闷不乐地与一行人,行进在西下的余晖中,穿过一片茂盛的森林,前往回迦毗罗卫城的途中。



这是一片寂静而令人心旷神怡的森林,里面有淙淙的清流,缓缓的麋鹿,也有许许多多来自四面八方的修道人,这些人因为曾带了与悉达多一样的疑问来到了这里。

夕阳的余晖探过绿叶的间隙,啐啐的金光洒落路面。一行人行走着,清爽的晚风吹醒了沉思的悉达多。夕阳下,对面走来了一位僧人——修行者。他的表情安详,举步平稳,双手托钵,目光垂视脚下,专注而不散乱,黄色的僧袍随了晚风轻轻的舞动,夕阳投下了他那清瘦而迷人的身影。时空仿佛在这一刻为他凝固!悉达多也在此时、此刻、此地找到了家!他令行人止步,步下马车,走到僧人的面前恭敬地双手合十、顶礼,以尊贵的头部触摸行者那沾满尘土的赤足。赞叹:

行者啊!
你安详从容;
脚步平稳踏实端庄;
目光有神澄清,
是得大自在人的表现!

行者啊!
你的内心闪着空与光明,
那空明就像
冬日暖心,皓月清凉!

行者啊!
你的内心流淌春泉,
它在春的晖中滢光撩人。
它是旅途疲乏人的甘霖,
大地万物的生机!

行者啊!
你的所得犹如
这大地稳重!
你的觉悟犹如这大
道夕阳斜照,
晚风轻拂!

行者对悉达多的赞叹微微一笑,重拾起暂停的脚步,走向了森林的深处。那是他寂静的家,也是晚风和夕阳的归宿!

夜色降临,悉达多一行回到了迦毗罗卫城,父亲看着儿子的归来,满心欢喜。可此时的悉达多却显得比以前更加的闷闷不乐。因为他已决定了离家出走,去过那修道人的生活。

(待續)

Tuesday, April 21, 2009

附佛外道的特质与祸害

大力丸 2007-3-4 08:10 PM from: http://www.jyhforum.com/archiver/?tid-14753-page-18.html



中国历史上形形色色的附佛外道,大略表现出以下共同特征:


一、其教首率多自称或被徒众称为佛、菩萨降世,或自称苦修悟道,或现神异惑人。如北朝法庆、隋宋子贤、向海明等,皆自称弥勒佛降世,多白衣长发,“称解禅观,妄说灾祥”。宋子贤还“善为幻术”,“能变作佛形”,现光明、火坑等境,因致“远近惑信”。向海明能依归心者“辄获吉梦”,由是“人皆惑之”,“翕然称为大圣”(《隋书》卷二三)。罗教教祖据称自幼奉佛,多方参访,苦修十三年而悟道。西大乘教祖吕氏尼有“阻驾出征”的神异,被视为观音菩萨或无生xxx化身。闻香教创立者王森据说因救孤仙而得异香之术,人闻其香,“心即迷惑,妄有所见”。黄天教祖李宾号称“普明如来”、“皇极古佛”,其妻称“普光佛”,其二女称“普净佛”、“普照佛”。真空教祖廖帝聘称“无极圣祖投化”。一贯道创始人王觉一号称“王古佛”,传其掌心有古佛字纹,该教所奉的第十三祖杨还虚、徐还虚,号称观音、弥勒二古佛托化,其前身青莲教的五位祖师“五老”被称为“先天五老古佛”化身。圆顿教祖弓长所造《古佛天真考证龙华宝经》中,自称阿弥陀佛、真武老祖、天真古佛临凡。其他附佛外道教首,也多自称古佛降世、菩萨化现。这显然是一种利用民众崇佛心理欺世惑众、诱人入教的手段。


二、附佛外道的教首祖师,绝大多数为文化程度、社会地位很低的在家人,至高不过贡生,多有家室之累,往往传位于其子女。即使是僧尼,也多属不守佛戒、不通佛法的伪僧,多带头破戒,如北魏法庆以尼惠晖等为妻,唐武德元年(618年)造反称帝的怀戌沙门高昙晟,立尼静宣为“耶输皇后”,西大乘教皇姑寺的尼众皆蓄发作男子揖,不具尼僧威仪。这与正统佛教的祖师大德绝大多数是佛学湛深、戒珠清净、解行超群、有高度文化素养的出家比丘,形成显明对比。


三、附佛外道皆表面崇佛,打着佛教或佛教新派的旗号。其教名目如“白莲”、“大乘”、“真空”、“圆顿”等,多取自佛书,白莲教由佛教白莲宗衍变而成,罗教、大乘教、鸡足山大乘教、黄天道、圆顿教、一贯道等声称出达摩、慧能门下,编造有以禅宗六代祖师为前辈祖师的传宗谱系。它们虽然也尊奉、礼拜佛菩萨,但其归依物件与正统佛教并不相同,多神、佛共奉,如鸡足山大乘教崇奉无极圣祖、玉皇大帝、弥勒佛,弘阳教奉“混元老祖”为唯一至上神,罗教、真空教、圆顿教、一贯道等皆以“无生xxx”为诸佛之上的最高神,为其实际归依的物件,“无生xxx”乃一杜撰的神祗,与佛教无关。至于自称出达摩、慧能门下,则纯属假冒,无何凭据。


四、附佛外道虽假佛教为幌子,其实并不真正皈依佛法僧三宝,尤其是不皈依以僧伽为核心的佛教教团,不皈依代表佛陀正法的佛教各宗祖师大德的正见,而且多反对、否认、排斥正统佛教、住持僧伽。如北魏僧法庆以“新佛出世,除去旧魔”为口号,对指为“旧魔”的正统佛教进行疯狂破坏,“所在屠灭寺舍,斩戮僧尼,焚烧经像”(《魏书.元遥传》),实为灭佛魔王。罗教、真空教、一贯道等虽自称宗门儿孙,而扬言六祖后佛法不传出家人,只传在家人(指他们所奉的教首),否认宗门法脉,实际只皈依罗祖等教首。其活动多不在合法寺庙,不受政府有关部门管理,与正统佛教历来以合法寺庙为传播中心、受政府有关部门管理的情况颇为不同。


五、附佛外道虽然也有奉、诵《金刚经》等佛经、念阿弥陀佛者,但实际上主要尊奉其教祖编造的“五部六册”等伪经,其说多杂糅三教言句,鄙俚粗浅,难登大雅之堂,不堪与浩瀚精深的佛教三藏相提并论。其所宣扬,虽亦颇有行善修道乃至真空无生、明心见性等相似于佛法的词旨,但总的看来,不成系统,佛学水平甚低,不具佛四谛十二因缘、三法印等核心义理,不具正见,且往往篡改、曲解佛经。如佛教《弥勒上生经》等明明说弥勒下生成佛在“将来久远”、“阎浮提岁数五十六亿万岁”以后,附佛外道则篡改为现在下生,以便作他们假冒弥勒佛的依据。元明以来诸附佛外道共同宣扬、作为其教义支柱的“三佛应劫”说,称过去燃灯佛出青阳劫、管度道人道姑,现在释迦佛出红阳劫,管度和尚尼姑,未来弥勒佛出白阳劫,管度在家贫男贫女,此说不见于经传,纯属无稽之谈。附佛外道经书中水平最高、最近禅语,曾被兰风和尚评颂的“五部六册”,大略以未有天地之前的“不动虚空”为当人自性、诸佛法身。《苦功悟道卷》载,罗祖自言他参禅时,蒙“老真空发大慈悲,从西南放道白光,摄照我身,梦中摄省”,方得“心地开通”。“老真空”实际上是人格化的神明,又称“无极圣祖”,后来更被进一步神格化。罗祖还反对净土信仰,混同儒释道,鼓吹“三教原来只一般”。从宗门正见看,此乃错认光影,堕于忆想空,其所见“真空”并非佛法所言缘起性空、本来空性,乃外道见解。当时高僧莲池大师及紫柏真可弟子密藏道开,曾予批驳,斥其“假正助邪,诳吓聋瞽”。附佛外道教人的修炼功夫,往往须赌咒盟誓方得其传,其实不过杂糅释道修持法之皮毛,不得释道之真髓,如黄天教实以丹道诱人,然所传并非真正丹道,有些道门虽亦念阿弥陀佛,而不依净宗正旨。附佛外道还往往编造一些政治世变方面的预言谶记以煽惑人心。总之,附佛外道的教义终归以背离佛法正道、“心游道外”为实质。


六、附佛外道往往有反当局的政治目的,常造反作乱。诸附佛外道,差不多都曾有过造反的历史,“教案”千宗,班班可考。附佛外道之所以多次更换名目,便是为躲避朝廷镇压。附佛外道因秘密活动,易与黑社会牵连,至如青帮、一贯道等,其教首与地方封建豪强结合,进行贩私行动、霸赌包娼、贩卖人口等罪恶活动,近代以来又有投靠帝国主义、卖国蠹民的丑史。附佛外道教首,多由索取信施、剥削徒众而发财致富。如罗祖自建经堂传道后,移家眷于石匣,“远来馈送颇多,因而致富”(《军机处录副奏摺》)。其后代袭掌教权,多藉教发财。莲池大师当时曾一针见血地指出罗祖“口谈清虚,而心图利养,名无为而实有为耳”(《正讹集》)。闻香教祖王森当教主后,迅速由一穷皮匠变为一方巨富,田产遍天下,庄园“屹立如城”。向信徒索取香钱,逐级往上递交,是他们致富的财源。设置封建等级制的严格管理体制以紧紧控制信徒,于是便成为各附佛外道的拿手好戏。附佛外道屡禁不绝,其教首甘冒杀身之险违法传道的一大原因,大概与贩毒分子一样,是被巨大的经济利益所驱动。

......

佛教之衰,与附佛外道之盛同步。佛教的衰颓,给了精于掌握民众心理的擅长文化投机的恶人可乘之机,他们被经压抑而膨胀变态的强烈世俗欲望驱迫,不遑顾及因果报应,可不象高僧大德那样严谨审慎、谦恭无为,而敢于抓住民众信仰心理,瞄准佛教弱点,妄称新佛出世或古佛降世蛊惑人心,用一切造神技术和方土伎俩制造偶像崇拜、名人效应,编造些通俗易懂的宝卷伪经广为宣传,信仰热切而智慧微浅的善良民众,便糊里糊涂上了他们的当。从法庆到李洪志,代代附佛外道,莫不以“新佛出世”或古佛降世为立教之本,一脉相承无有变更,自称古佛降世或新佛出世,成为一切附佛外道最明显的标记,凡遇此等人,便可断定十个中有五双不是好东西,慎须提防佛菩萨化身,非仅一二,所在多有,既为化身,绝不会自己说破。《楞严经》佛言:“我灭度后,教诸菩萨及阿罗汉,应身生彼末法之中,作种种形,度诸轮转,或作沙门、白衣居士、人王、宰官、童男童女,如是乃至淫女寡妇、奸偷屠贩,与其同事,称赞佛乘,令其身心入三摩地,终不自言我真菩萨、真阿罗汉,泄佛密因,轻言未学,唯除命终阴有遗付。”

自称佛菩萨化现降世,不是骗子,便是入魔。兴办附佛外道,有巨大世俗利益可图,可使文化甚低、微不足道的小人物不费气力地升级为万众归仰的神佛、明星,享受到皇帝也未必能享受到的尊荣,满足种种世俗欲望。正是这世俗尊荣名利,诱使一代代烦恼增上之徒附佛兴教,自投地狱。只要众生贪心不息,佛教虽存而衰,附佛外道恐怕就不易绝种。

......

较低层次信仰心理的特点,是崇拜神异奇迹,并把神异奇迹视作心目中的“活佛”必备的神格。古今附佛外道,莫不抓住民众的这种信仰心理,制造神异奇迹以神化其教首。直至当今的卢胜彦、李洪志,依然如此,并尽量攀附科学以为凭据。不少人误上附佛外道的当,便是由于好尚神异。炫耀神通异能,可看作附佛外道的又一重要标记,凡遇此等人,大须仔细。当知依佛法修持有素者,即便发诸神通,也必隐藏不露,不遇除以神通教化外别无他法教化的众生,绝不轻易显现,更不会以神通自夸。因为神通异能,仅为心识幻用,不能敌业,外道亦具,佛法精神,在以智慧断烦恼了生死,神通不过是禅定中的副产品,无神通也不妨正道,无智发通,容易增益烦恼,障道造业。为防盛谈神通掩盖佛法正旨故,为防世人误解佛教为神教巫术故,佛陀不言咒术,戒律严禁显通。故真正圣人、有修证者,不会炫耀神通。世间所见神通异能,往往作假非真,如“佛子张小平”原来被吹得神乎其神,后来被揭穿全属捏造。即使真实不虚,也未必是真神通,或可以咒术役使非人而现,或可被鬼魅附体而有,巫婆神汉,及病羸、意志薄弱者,常见因鬼神凭附而显神异,岂可当作圣人活佛之标志、具大智慧的凭据?

.....

较低层次信仰心理特别是现代人信仰心理的另一特点,是执着眼前小效,或只求治病健身,或仅望改善世俗生活。附佛外道尤当代李洪志等,便善于抓住人们的这种心理需求以售其奸,或吹嘘入其教者可凭其符水、祖师加持触摸而愈病,或宣扬练其功者有病不用吃药而自愈,或鼓吹习其法者诸事顺遂、家和人安、不遭灾厄。他们传习的功法,也不无治病健身之效。当代附佛外道,善于陈列若干事例大事宣传,人们往往因得了治病消灾等效验,对附佛外道教首感恩戴德,深信入骨,或因轻信附佛外道的实效例证宣传而误入其邪径。殊不知愈病健身,原因多端。各家气功,练习有方者几乎都会有祛疾健身之效。信仰佛教,坐禅念佛,得治病健身、消灾免难、家和人安之益者,更为习见之事,发神通能“发功治病”者,亦大有其人,因属世间小效,佛教徒多不肖张扬宣传。现代心理学已证明:任何信仰的安慰及心理上的自我暗示,都可以产生调节身心、治病健身的效果。鬼神附体、巫婆神汉,也颇有确能发功为人治病者。被附佛外道、气功师们大肆吹嘘的发功治病及炼功不药而愈,大抵多属心理暗示或鬼神附体的作用。利用造神技术、名人效应,把一个人吹得神乎其神,使人崇仰信赖,组织盛大集会,形成集体气场,总会有一些人当场得气,有些人多年痼疾会当场不药而愈,甚至被激发出特异功能。千万人中,有一二个如此治好的病例,便大肆宣传,大量治之无效者则掩盖不言。这是当代气功大师们人人知晓的秘机,附佛外道最会运用。即便是练其功实际得到好处,也是得小失大:因此深信附佛外道,接受其邪见,远离正人正道,随附佛外道谤佛谤法,卖力传其邪道,成为魔眷,造无间业,自害害人,堕入地狱长劫受苦,是为占小便宜吃大亏,可谓无智之尤。


附佛外道的猖獗,严重破坏佛法的弘扬,是佛教在近世以来面临的诸挑战中不得不回应的一种。随着社会的不断民主化,政治力量对附佛外道的压制越来越小,附佛外道自由发展,将会升格为合法的新宗教,与佛教革新派相混淆。在日本和南韩,新兴佛教层出不穷,数以百计,其中便不乏实际背离佛陀正法的附佛外道。这已成为现代佛教发展的一种趋势。如何在这种情势下弘扬护持佛陀正法,是佛教界应作长远考虑的一大问题。

Saturday, March 21, 2009

看不懂的中國字——章草和行草





哈哈哈,沒想到寫完之後連自己都不認得幾個了。有點意思。

Sunday, December 14, 2008

僧銘


僧銘

登妙高峰,
一覽無遺世界。
神識渺茫今在,
万法沖雲霄。
問君何憾?!
此心奉塵刹。
為得報佛恩!

Tuesday, October 28, 2008

廣 讚


近日重讀唐飛錫法師《念佛三昧寳王論》,愛不釋手之餘,有言于下。。。


讚極樂(1)


金容瑩煌以散彩

寳華淅瀝而雨空;

極樂淨土一何速

乘願往者皆箐英。



讚彌陀


凝住於真如

萬像皆森羅;

不動法王尊

唯睹阿彌陀。

(1)這偈子收集自《念佛三昧寳王論》,但有改動。

Saturday, October 11, 2008

創世紀!

從網上看到這樣一則笑話。挺有意思的!標題為我所加。貼在這裡給大家笑笑!

創世那一天,上帝創造了牛。他對牛說:“今天我創造了你!作爲一頭牛,你必須跟農夫下地,終日在日頭下勞作!我給你50年的壽命。”牛不同意:“什麽?這種苦日子你要我活50年?讓我活20年吧,那30年還給你。”上帝同意了。第二天,上帝創造了狗。上帝對狗說:“你應該終日坐在自家門前,有人進來你就叫!我給你20年的壽命。”狗反對:“什麽?整天坐在門口,還要叫?絕對不行!我退給你10年壽命!”于是上帝同意了。第三天,上帝創造了猴子。他對猴子說:“猴子必須帶給人娛樂。你必須讓他們開懷大笑,做鬼臉,耍把戲。我給你20年的壽命。”猴子不干,也退給上帝10年的壽命。上帝也同意了。第四天。上帝創造了人,並對他說:“你的工作就是吃喝玩樂睡大覺,盡情享受人生,什麽都不用干。這種生活,我給你20年的壽命。”人反對:“什麽? 這麽好的日子,就只讓我活20年?不行,絕對不行!不如這樣吧。牛退給你30年,狗退給你10年,猴子退給你10年,你把這些都給我吧!這樣我的壽命就70年啦。行嗎?”上帝同意了。這就是為什麽我們頭20年享樂,無所事事,接下來的30年,我們終日辛苦受難,養家糊口。之後的10年,我們拌鬼臉逗晚輩的開心。最後10年我們呆在家里、坐在門口,對人大叫!

Saturday, September 6, 2008

The Challenge of the Future / How Will the Sangha Fare in North American Buddhism?- by Ven. Bhikkhu Bodhi


For people who would like to know the Buddhism in North American today and future, this is really a good article...

I will begin with some questions: If Buddhism is to be successfully transplanted in the U.S., does it need a monastic Sangha as its cornerstone? Must there be a monastic Sangha at all, or is Buddhist monasticism an outdated institution? Can the teachings flow entirely through a “lay Sangha,” through lay teachers and communities of lay practitioners? If monastics are necessary, what should their role be? What their duties? What changes in lifestyle and orientation, if any, are required by the new conditions imposed by the Western culture in which Buddhism has taken root?

My personal belief is that for Buddhism to successfully flourish in the West, a monastic Sangha is necessary. At the same time, I think it almost inevitable that as Buddhism evolves here, monasticism will change in many ways, that it will adapt to the peculiar environment impressed upon it by Western culture and modes of understanding, which differ so much from the culture and worldview of traditional Asian Buddhism. As a result, I believe, the role monastics play in Western Buddhism will also differ in important ways from the role they play in Asia. I do not think this is something that we need lament or look upon with dread. In some respects, I believe, such a development is not only inevitable but also wholesome, that it can be seen as a sign of Buddhism’s ability to adapt to different cultural conditions, which is also a sign of spiritual strength. At the same time, I also think we need to exercise caution about making adaptation. It would certainly be counterproductive to be in a hurry to make changes uncritically, without taking the long-standing pillars of our Buddhist heritage as our reference point. If we are too hasty, we might also be careless, and then we might discard fundamental principles of the Dharma along with the adventitious cultural dressing in which it is wrapped.

I first want to examine the traditionalist understanding of this issue, even though--and I stress this--the position to which I incline is not a strictly traditionalist one. From a traditionalist point of view, the monastic Sangha is necessary for the successful transmission of Buddhism to occur because the monastic Sangha sustains the continuity of the Triple Gem. We can briefly consider how this is so with regard to each of the Three Jewels individually.

(1) The Buddha: When the Buddha decided to embark on the quest for enlightenment, his first step was to become a samana, an ascetic. On the one hand, by adopting the lifestyle of an ascetic, the future Buddha was conforming to an ancient Indian paradigm of the spiritual life, a paradigm that might well have gone back centuries before his own time. But by taking up this mode of life, and continuing to adhere to it even after his enlightenment, the Buddha did something more than simply conform to the prevailing Indian convention. He conveyed a message, namely, that the renunciant way of life was an essential step on the path to the ultimate goal, to the state of transcendent liberation from birth and death, the ideal shared by many of the old Indian schools of spiritual culture. Even more: he indicated that renunciation is itself an aspect of the goal. Renunciation of sensual pleasures and cyclic existence is not merely a means to liberation; it is also integral to the goal itself. The goal is renunciation, and thus the act of renunciation with which the monastic life begins is not simply a step in the direction of the goal but also partly the realization of the goal, an embodiment of liberation, even if only symbolically so.

After his enlightenment, the Buddha created a monastic Sangha on the model of the lifestyle that he had adopted during his quest for enlightenment. The monks (and later nuns) were to live in a state of voluntary poverty, without personal wealth and with minimal possessions. They were to shave their heads and wear simple dyed robes, to gather their meals by going on alms round, to live out in the open, in caves, or in simple huts. They were governed by a disciplinary code that minutely regulated their behavior, and were to undertake a training that directed their energies towards the same path that the Buddha had embarked on when he discovered the way to enlightenment.

Even though aspects of the monastic lifestyle have changed over the ages, in Asian Buddhist tradition the figure of the monk (and less often, I have to say, reluctantly but candidly, the nun) has functioned as the symbol for the Buddha’s continuing presence in the world. By his robes, deportment, and lifestyle, the monk represents the Buddha. He enables the Buddha, vanished from the stage of human events, to continue to shed his blessing power upon the earth. He draws down the Buddha’s past historical reality and sends it out into the world, so that the Buddha can continue to serve the world as a teacher, an image of human perfection, and a spiritual force—a force of grace that acts within and upon those who go to him for refuge.

(2) The Dharma. In a well-known passage in the Mahaparinibbana Sutta, the Buddha tells Mara, the Evil One, that his followers comprise monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen who are “capable, well trained, confident, learned, and upholders of the Dhamma.” These four groups are known as the four assemblies. If we take this passage in isolation, it might seem as if the Buddha is assigning the four groups to a level of parity with respect to the Dharma, for they are described in the same way. However, another sutta in the Samyutta Nikaya (42:7), sheds a different light on their relationship. Here the Buddha illustrates the three kinds of recipients of his teaching with a simile of three fields: the superior field, the middling field, and the inferior field. The three kinds of recipients—compared respectively to the superior, middling, and inferior fields—are the bhikkhus and bhikkhunis (taken jointly), the male and female lay disciples (taken jointly), and the monks and ascetics of other schools. This statement doesn't imply that monks and nuns, individually, are invariably superior to lay disciples. Often sincere lay disciples are more serious and diligent in practice and more knowledgeable about the Dharma than many monastics. But the Buddha’s statement does suggest that, as a group, monastics constitute a more fertile field for the Dharma to flourish than lay persons, and that is so because they have adopted the lifestyle that the Buddha designed for those who wish to fully devote themselves to the practice and advance thereby towards the goal of the spiritual life.

Traditionally, monastics have not only been charged with the intensive practice of the Dharma, but also with the responsibility of preserving it and teaching it to others. This implies that there must be monastics who have thoroughly learned the Buddhist scriptures and mastered the body of Buddhist doctrine. In all Buddhist traditions, parallel with the exemplary practitioner, there stands the figure of the learned monk, the pandita, the dharma-master, the geshe—those who have acquired expertise in the doctrine and can skillfully teach others. In this way, too, the monastic person becomes a channel for the preservation and transmission of the Dharma.

(3) The Sangha. The monastic Sangha also serves as a conduit for the transmission of the third Jewel, the Sangha itself, in the world. The Buddha did not merely confer monastic ordination on his disciples, permitting them to “go forth” from the home life. Going beyond this, he created a monastic order, a community of monks and nuns bound together by a common code of discipline, the Vinaya, and by other guidelines intended to ensure that they serve the well-being of the community that they have joined. He also established a number of communal monastic observances that bind the members of the Sangha together, the most important being the ceremonies of ordination, recitation of the monastic code, the rains retreat, and the ending of the rains retreat: upasampada, uposatha, vassa, and pavarana. Buddhist tradition—at least Theravada tradition—says that the performance of these ceremonies is the criterion for the continued existence of the Sasana, that is, for Buddhism to survive as a social and historical institution. I’m not sure whether there is any canonical basis for this idea; it might come from the commentaries or later tradition, but it is a well-established belief.

Thus, to sum up: From a traditional point of view, a monastic Sangha is essential for the continuing presence of all three Jewels in the world. The renunciant monks and nuns symbolically represent the Buddha; they learn, practice, and teach the Dharma; they observe the guidelines, regulations, and rites of the Sangha; and they practice in such a way that they themselves might become enlightened beings themselves, fulfilling the ultimate intention of the Buddha.

This is the traditionalist perspective, but I question whether this traditionalist view of the Sangha’s role is completely viable in today’s world. Is it sufficient simply to insist on the traditional understanding of the Sangha’s task and mission, or are there forces at work compelling us to stake out new ways of understanding the role of the Sangha? Do we face new challenges, never foreseen by the tradition, that compel us to renew our understanding of Buddhism and revitalize our monastic lifestyle in order to ensure greater durability for monasticism as an institution and a way of life? Are there forces at work that might actually undermine the survival of Buddhist monasticism?

Interestingly, while the Buddha speaks of forces threatening the future long life of the Dharma, we find nothing to indicate that he foresaw the kind of transformations that are taking place today. When the early texts speak about the future, they generally predict decline and degeneration—what they call future perils (anagatabhaya)—and the remedy they propose is simply to strive diligently in the present, so that one attains liberation before the dark ages arrive. The oldest collections of texts, the Nikayas and Agamas, consistently set the factors making for decline against the background of the social order that prevailed in the Buddha’s time. There is no recognition that society might undergo major social, cultural, and intellectual transformations that could stimulate the emergence of positive developments within Buddhism. There is no recognition that Buddhism might migrate to countries and continents remote from ancient India, lands where different material conditions and modes of thinking might allow the Dharma to develop in different directions from that it was to take in its Indian homeland. In general, from the standpoint of the early texts, the revolving Wheel of Time draws us ever closer to the end of the proper Dharma, and the best we can do is resist the tide sweeping over us. Change is subversive, and we must preserve the proper Dharma against its corrosive influence.

I do not like to take issue with the early Buddhist canon, but I have often asked myself whether it is necessary to take such a dark view of change or to see it as inevitable that Buddhism slides ever more rapidly down a slippery slope. I wonder whether we might not instead adopt an evolutionary perspective on the development of Buddhism, a perspective that does not oblige us to regard change in the doctrinal and institutional expressions of Buddhism as invariably a sign of degeneration. Perhaps we can see such change instead as a catalyst able to bring about a process of natural, organic growth in Buddhism. Perhaps we can consider changing social, intellectual, and cultural conditions as providing an opportunity for Buddhism to respond creatively, and thus to re-envision and re-embody the Dharma in the world, bringing to manifestation many aspects implicit in the original teaching but unable to appear until the requisite conditions bring them forth.

The history of Buddhism might be viewed as the record of an interplay between two factors, challenge and response. Time and again, change takes place—a seismic shift in cultural or intellectual conditions—that strikes at the core of Buddhist tradition, setting off a crisis. Initially, the new development might seem threatening. But often there will arise Buddhist thinkers who are acute enough to understand the challenge and resourceful enough to respond in creative ways that tap into hidden potentials of the Dharma. Their responses lead to adaptations that not only enable the Sasana to weather the storm, but which embody new insights, new ways of understanding the Dharma, that could never have appeared until the appropriate conditions called them forth, until unforeseen historical, social, cultural, and philosophical challenges made them possible and even necessary. At times these responses may veer off the proper track into the wilderness of subjective interpretations and deviant practices; but often enough they reveal the creative viability of Buddhism, its ability to adapt and assume new expressions in response to new needs and new modes of understanding implanted in people by new social and cultural conditions.

In facing the new challenges, creative adaptation has to be balanced by an effort to maintain continuity with the roots and past legacy of Buddhism. This double task points to a certain struggle between two factors in the unfolding of Buddhist history: one is the need to respond effectively to the challenges presented by new circumstances, new ways of thinking, new standards of behavior; the other is the need to remain faithful to the original insights at the heart of the Dharma, to its long heritage of practice and experience. The weight that is assigned to these two competing forces establishes a tension between conservative and innovative tendencies within Buddhism. Inevitably, different people will gravitate towards one or another of these poles, and such differences often bring conflict between those who wish to preserve familiar forms and those who think change and reformulation are necessary to maintain the vitality and relevance of the Dharma. This same tension is still very much with us today, as we will see.

In the early centuries of Buddhist history, the architects of the evolving Buddhist tradition preferred to ascribe these newly emergent dimensions of the Dharma to the Buddha himself. This, however, was just a mythical way of conferring the mantle of authority upon new formulations of the teaching. Such is the characteristic Indian way of thinking. It is an open question whether these masters actually believed that these new teachings had sprung from the Buddha himself or instead used this device as a symbolic way of indicating that such teachings brought to light previously unexpressed aspects of the enlightenment realized by the Buddha.
Let us take a few examples of this: Several generations after the passing of the Buddha, the Vedic philosophical schools took to compiling complex, systematized lists of all the components of the universe. This tendency is particularly evident in the Sankhya school, which may have already arisen before the time of the Buddha and must have been evolving parallel with early Buddhism. This fashion of the age presented the Buddhists with the challenge of applying the same style of fine analysis to their own heritage. Consequently, Buddhist thinkers set out to systematize the various groups of elements recorded in the Buddha’s discourses, and over time what emerged from this exercise was the body of learning known as the Abhidharma. This trend cut clear across the early Buddhist schools, and the result was the creation of at least three different (but related) schools of Abhidharma: the Theravada, the Sarvastivada, and the Dharmaguptaka. Perhaps to give a competitive edge to their own system, the Theravadin commentators ascribed their Abhidharma to the Buddha, claiming that he taught it to the deities in a deva world; all the evidence, however, indicates that the Abhidharma resulted from a process of historical evolution extending over several centuries.

On this basis, one who adheres to a strict conservative stance, a position that I call “sutta purism,” might reject the value of the Abhidharma, holding that the only teachings worth studying are those that can be ascribed, with a fair degree of accuracy, to the Buddha himself. This position assumes that because the Abhidharma treatises were not actually taught by the Buddha, they are useless and fruitless, a lamentable deviation from the proper Dharma. However, by taking an evolutionary perspective, we can view the Abhidharma schools as responses to intellectual challenges faced by the Buddhist community in an early stage of Buddhist intellectual history. From this point of view, they then appear as impressive attempts to incorporate all the elements of the teaching into a systematic structure governed by the broad principles of the original teaching. The Abhidharma then emerges as a bold project that proposed to establish nothing less than a comprehensive inventory of all known phenomena and their relations, subordinated to the governing concepts of the Dharma and the project of transcendent liberation.
Similar considerations apply to the Mahayana sutras, which introduce far more radical re-assessments of Buddhist doctrine and spiritual ideals than the Abhidharma. Again, if one takes the conservative stance of “sutta purism,” one might dismiss these texts as deviations from the true Dharma and even as marking a step towards the decline of the Sasana. This, in fact, is a view that many conservative monks in Theravada countries take of the Mahayana sutras, even when they are completely unfamiliar with them. However, by looking at the history of Buddhism as a process governed by the law of “challenge-and-response,” we can see the emergence of the Mahayana sutras as a result of new challenges faced by Buddhism beginning in the post-Asokan landscape. Some of these challenges might have been internal to the Buddhist community, such as a disenchantment with the rigidity of the Abhidharma systems and a narrow interpretation of the arahant ideal; also, an interest in elaborating upon the path that a bodhisattva must travel over countless eons to arrive at Buddhahood. Other challenges may have been external, particularly the mingling in the Indian subcontinent of new peoples of different ethnicities, speaking different languages, and holding different worldviews. This would have challenged Buddhism to break out of the mold imposed upon it by its Indian origins and draw out, from its own inner resources, a new conception of the universal ethical ideal already articulated in archaic Buddhism.

***

At this point I want to consider some of the peculiar challenges that Buddhist monasticism is facing today, in our contemporary world, especially those that arise out of the unique intellectual, cultural, and social landscape of modern Western culture. Such challenges, I have to emphasize, are already at work; they have brought about remarkable changes in the contemporary manifestation of Buddhism as a whole. It is likely, too, that they will accelerate in the future and have a significant impact on Buddhist monasticism over the next few decades.

I believe the present era confronts us with far different challenges than any Buddhism has ever faced before. These challenges are more radical, more profound, and more difficult to address using traditional modes of understanding. Yet for Buddhist monasticism to survive and thrive, they demand fitting responses—responses, I believe, that do not merely echo positions coming down from the past, but tackle the new challenges on their own terms while remaining faithful to the spirit of the teaching. In particular, we have to deal with them in ways that are meaningful against the background of our own epoch and our own culture, offering creative, perceptive, innovative solutions to the problems they pose.

On what grounds do I say that the present era confronts Buddhist monasticism with far different challenges than any it has faced in the past? I believe there are two broad reasons why our present-day situation is so different from anything Buddhist monasticism has encountered in the past. The first is simply that Buddhist monasticism has taken root in North America, and most of us involved in the project of establishing Buddhist monasticism here are Westerners. When, as Westerners, we take up Buddhism as our spiritual path, we inevitably bring along the deep background of our Western cultural and intellectual conditioning. I don’t think we can reject this background or put it in brackets, nor do I think doing so would be a healthy approach. We cannot alienate ourselves from our Western heritage, for that heritage is what we are and thus determines how we assimilate Buddhism, just as much as a brain that processes objects in terms of three dimensions determines the way we see them.

The second reason is partly related to the first, namely, that we are living not in fifth century B.C. India, or in Tang dynasty China, or in fourteenth century Japan or Tibet, but in 21st century America, and thus we are denizens of the modern age, perhaps the postmodern age. As people of the 21st century, whether we are indigenous Americans or Asians, we are heirs to the entire experience of modernity, and as such we inevitably approach the Dharma, understand it, practice it, and embody it in the light of the intellectual and cultural achievements of the modern era. In particular, we inherit not only the heritage of enlightenment stemming from the Buddha and the wisdom of the Buddhist tradition, but also another heritage deriving from the 18th century European Enlightenment. The 18th century cut a sharp dividing line between traditional culture and modernity, a dividing line that cannot be erased; it marked a turning point that cannot be reversed.

The transformations in thought ushered in by the great thinkers of the Western Enlightenment—including the Founding Fathers of the U.S.—dramatically revolutionized our understanding of what it means to be a human being existing in a world community. The concept of universal human rights, of the inherent dignity of humankind; the ideals of liberty and equality, of the brotherhood of man; the demand for equal justice under the law and comprehensive economic security; the rejection of external authorities and trust in the capacity of human reason to arrive at truth; the critical attitude towards dogmatism, the stress on direct experience—all derive from this period and all influence the way we appropriate Buddhism. I have seen some Western Buddhists take a dismissive attitude towards this heritage (and I include with them myself during my first years as a monk), devaluing it against the standards of traditional pre-modern Asian Buddhism. But in my opinion, such an attitude could become psychologically divisive, alienating us from what is of most value in our own heritage. I believe a more wholesome approach would aim at a “fusion of horizons,” a merging of our Western, modernist modes of understanding with the wisdom of the Buddhist tradition.

I would now like to briefly sketch several intellectual and cultural issues with which Buddhism has to grapple here in the U.S. I won’t presume to lay down in categorical terms fixed ways that we should respond to this situation; for the plain fact is that I don’t have definitive solutions to these problems. I believe the problems have to be faced and discussed honestly, but I don’t pretend to be one who has the answers. In the end, the shape Buddhist monasticism takes might not be determined so much by decisions we make through discussion and deliberation as by a gradual process of experimentation, by trial and error. In fact, it seems to me unlikely that there will be any simple uniform solutions. Rather, I foresee a wide spectrum of responses, leading to an increasing diversification in modern American/Western Buddhism, including monasticism. I don’t see this diversity as problematic. But I also believe it is helpful to bring the challenges we face out into the light, so that we can expore them in detail and weigh different solutions.

I will briefly sketch four major challenges that we, as Buddhist monastics, face in shaping the development of Buddhism in this country.

1. “The leveling of distinctions”: One important contemporary premise rooted in our democratic heritage might be called “the leveling of distinctions.” This holds that in all matters relating to fundamental rights, everyone has an equal claim: everyone is entitled to participate in any worthy projects; all opinions are worthy of consideration; no one has an intrinsic claim to privilege and entitlement. This attitude is staunchly opposed to the governing principle of traditionalist culture, namely, that there are natural gradations among people based on family background, social class, wealth, race, education, and so on, which confer privileges on some that do not accrue to others. In the traditionalist understanding, monastics and laity are stratified as to their positions and duties. Lay people provide monks and nuns with their material requisites, undertake precepts, engage in devotional practices to acquire merit, and occasionally practice meditation, usually under the guidance of monks; monastic persons practice intensive meditation, study the texts, conduct blessing ceremonies, and provide the lay community with teachings and examples of a dedicated life. This stratification of the Buddhist community is typical of most traditional Buddhist cultures. The distinction presupposes that the Buddhist lay devotee is not yet ready for deep Dharma study and intensive meditation practice but still needs gradual maturation based on faith, devotion, and good deeds.

In modern Western Buddhism, such a dichotomy has hardly even been challenged; rather, it has simply been disregarded. There are two ways that the classical monastic-lay distinction has been quietly overturned. First, lay people are not prepared to accept the traditionalist understanding of a lay person’s limitations but seek access to the Dharma in its full depth and range. They study Buddhist texts, even the most abstruse philosophical works that traditional Buddhism regards as the domain of monastics. They take up intensive meditation, seeking the higher stages of samadhi and insight and even the ranks of the ariyans, the noble ones.

The second way the monastic-lay distinction is being erased is in the elevation of lay people to the position of Dharma teachers who can teach with an authority normally reserved for monks. Some of the most gifted teachers of Buddhism today, whether of theory or meditation, are lay people. Thus, when lay people want to learn the Dharma, they are no longer dependent on monastics. Whether or not a lay person seeks teachings from a monastic or a lay teacher has become largely a matter of circumstance and preference. Some will want to study with monks; others will prefer to study with lay teachers. Whatever their choice, they can easily fulfill it. To study under a monk is not, as is mostly the case in traditional Buddhism, a matter of necessity. There are already training programs in the hands of lay Buddhists, and lineages of teachers consisting entirely of lay people.

Indeed, in some circles there is even a distrust of the monk. Some months ago I saw an ad in Buddhadharma magazine for a Zen lineage called “Open Mind Zen.” Its catch phrase was: “No monks, no magic, no mumbo-jumbo.” The three are called “crutches” that the real Zen student must discard in order to succeed in the practice. I was struck by the cavalier way that the monks are grouped with magic and mumbo-jumbo and all three together banished to the dugout.

I think it likely there will always be laypeople who look to the monastic Sangha for guidance, and thus there is little chance that our monasteries and Dharma centers will become empty. For another, the fact that many laypeople have been establishing independent, non-monastic communities with their own centers and teachers may have a partly liberating effect on the Sangha. Relieved to some extent of the need to serve as “fields of merit” and teachers for the laity, we will have more time for our own personal practice and spiritual growth. In this respect, we might actually be able to recapture the original function of the homeless person in archaic Buddhist monasticism, before popular, devotional Buddhism pushed monastics into a largely priestly role in relation to the wider Buddhist community. Of course, if the size of the lay congregation attached to a given monastery tapers off, there is some risk that the donations that sustain the monastery will also decline, and that could threaten the survival of the monastery. Thus the loss of material support can become a serious challenge to the sustainability of institutional monasticism.

2. The secularization of life. Since the late eighteenth century we have been living in an increasingly secularized world; in the U.S. and Western Europe, this process of secularization is quite close to completion. Religion is certainly not dead. In mainstream America, particularly the “heartland,” it may be more alive today than it was forty years ago. But a secularist outlook now shapes almost all aspects of our lives, including our religious lives.

Before I go further, I should clarify what I mean by the secularization of life. By this expression, I do not mean that people today have become non-religious, fully engulfed by worldly concerns. Of course, many people today invest all their interest in the things of this world—in family, personal relations, work, politics, sports, the enjoyment of the arts. But that is not what I mean by “the secularization of life.” The meaning of this phrase is best understood by contrasting a traditionalist culture with modern Western culture. In a traditionalist culture, religion provides people with their fundamental sense of identity; it colors almost every aspect of their lives and serves as their deepest source of values. In present-day Western culture, our sense of personal identity is determined largely by mundane points of reference, and the things we value most tend to be rooted in this visible, present world rather than in our hopes and fears regarding some future life. Once the traditional supports of faith have eroded, religion in the West has also undergone a drastic change in orientation. Its primary purpose now is no longer to direct our gaze towards some future life, towards some transcendent realm beyond the here and now. Its primary function, rather, is to guide us in the proper conduct of life, to direct our steps in this present world rather than to point us towards some other world.

Just about every religion has had to grapple with the challenge of agnosticism, atheism, humanism, as well as simple indifference to religion due to the easy availability of sensual pleasures. Some religions have reacted to this by falling back upon a claim to dogmatic certainty. Thus we witness the rise of fundamentalism, which does not necessarily espouse religious violence; that is only an incidental feature of some kinds of fundamentalism. Its basic characteristic is a quest for absolute certainty, freedom from doubt and ambiguity, to be achieved through unquestioning faith in teachers taken to be divinely inspired and in scriptures taken to be unerring even when interpreted as literally true.

But fundamentalism is not the only religious response to the modernist critique of religion. An alternative response accepts the constructive criticisms of the agnostics, skeptics, and humanists, and admits that religion in the past has been deeply flawed. But rather than reject religion, it seeks a new understanding of what it means to be religious. Those who take this route, the liberal religious wing, come to understand religion as primarily a way to find a proper orientation in life, as a guide in our struggles with the crises, conflicts, and insecurities that haunt our lives, including our awareness of our inevitable mortality. We undertake the religious quest, not to pass from this world to a transcendent realm beyond, but to discover a transcendent dimension of life—a superior light, a platform of ultimate meaning—amidst the turmoil of everyday existence.

One way that religion has responded to the secularist challenge is by seeking a rapprochement with its old nemesis of secularism in a synthesis that might be called “spiritual secularity” or “secular spirituality.” From this perspective, the secular becomes charged with a deep spiritual potential, and the spiritual finds its fulfillment in the low lands of the secular. The apparently mundane events of our everyday lives—both at a personal and communal level—are no longer seen as bland and ordinary but as the field in which we encounter divine reality. The aim of religious life is then to help us discover this spiritual meaning, to extract it from the mine of the ordinary. Our everyday life becomes a means to encounter the divine, to catch a glimpse of ultimate goodness and beauty. We too partake of this divine potential. With all our human frailties, we are capable of indomitable spiritual strength; our confusion is the basis for recovering a basic sanity; ever-available within us there is a deep core of wisdom.

This secularization of life of which I have been speaking has already affected the way Buddhism is being presented today. For one thing, we can note that there is a de-emphasis on the teachings of karma, rebirth, and samsara, and on nirvana as liberation from the round of rebirths. Buddhism is taught as a pragmatic, existential therapy, with the four noble truths construed as a spiritual medical formula guiding us to psychological health. The path leads not so much to release from the round of rebirths as to perfect peace and happiness. Some teachers say they teach “buddhism with a small ‘b’,” a Buddhism that does not make any claims to the exalted status of religion. Other teachers, after long training in classical Buddhism, even renounce the label of “Buddhism” altogether, preferring to think of themselves as following a non-religious practice.

Mindfulness meditation is understood to be a means of “being here and now,” “of coming to our senses,” of acquiring a fresh sense of wonder. We practice the Dharma to better understand our own minds, to find greater happiness and peace in the moment, to tap our creativity, to be more efficient in work, more loving in our relationships, more compassionate in our dealings with others. We practice not to leave this world behind but to participate in the world more joyfully, with greater spontaneity. We stand back from life in order to plunge into life, to dance with the ever-shifting flow of events.

One striking indication of this secularized transformation of Buddhism is the shift away from the traditional nucleus of the Buddhist community towards a new institutional form. The “traditional nucleus of the Buddhist community” is the monastery or temple, a sacred place where monks or nuns reside, a place under the management of monastics. The monastery or temple is a place set apart from the everyday world where laypeople come to pay respects to the ordained, to make offerings, to hear them preach, to participate in rituals led by monks or practice meditation guided by nuns. In contrast, the institutional heart of contemporary secularized Buddhism is the Dharma center: a place often established by lay people, run by lay people, with lay teachers. If the resident teachers are monastic persons, they live there at the request of lay people, and the programs and administration are often managed by lay people. In the monastery or temple, the focus of attention is the Buddha image or shrine containing sacred relics, which are worshipped and regarded as the body of the Buddha himself. The monks sit on an elevated platform, near the Buddha image. The modern Dharma center may not even have a Buddha image. If it does, the image will usually not be worshipped but serve simply as a reminder of the source of the teaching. The lay teachers will generally sit at the same level as the students and apart from their teaching role will relate to them largely as friends.

These are some of the features of the Western—or specifically American—appropriation of Buddhism that give it a distinctly “secularized” flavor. Though such an approach to Buddhism is not traditional, I do not think it can be easily dismissed as a trivialization of the Dharma. Nor should we regard those drawn to this way of “doing Buddhism” as settling for “Dharma lite” in place of the real thing. Many of the people who follow the secularized version of Buddhism have practiced with great earnestness and persistency; some have studied the Dharma deeply under traditional teachers and have a keen understanding of classical Buddhist doctrine. They are drawn to such an approach to Buddhism precisely because it squares best with the secularization of life pervasive in Western culture, and because it addresses concerns that arise out of this situation—how to find happiness, peace, and meaning in a confused and congested world. However, since classical Buddhism is basically directed towards a world-transcendent goal—however differently understood, whether as in Early Buddhism or in Mahayana Buddhism--this becomes another challenge facing Buddhist monasticism in our country today. Looking to what lies beyond the stars, beyond life and death, rather than at the ground before our feet, we can cut a somewhat strange figure.

3. The challenge of social engagement. The third characteristic of contemporary spirituality that presents a challenge to traditional Buddhist monasticism is its focus on social engagement. In theory, traditional Buddhism tends to encourage aloofness from the mundane problems that confront humanity as a whole: such problems as crushing poverty, the specter of war, the denial of human rights, widening class distinctions, economic and racial oppression. I use the word “in theory,” because in practice Buddhist temples in Asia have often functioned as communal centers where people gather to resolve their social and economic problems. For centuries Buddhist monks in southern Asia have been at the vanguard of social action movements, serving as the voice of the people in their confrontation with oppressive government authorities. We saw this recently in Burma, when the monks led the protests against the military dictatorship there. However, such activities subsist in a certain tension with classical Buddhist doctrine, which emphasizes withdrawal from the concerns of the world, inward purification, a quest for non-attachment, equanimity towards the flux of worldly events, a kind of passive acceptance of the flaws of samsara. In my early life as a monk in Sri Lanka, I was sometimes told by senior monks that concern with social, political, and economic problems is a distraction from “what really matters,” the quest for personal liberation from the dukkha of worldly existence. Even the elder monks who served as social and political advisors were guided more by the idea of preserving Sinhalese Buddhist culture than of striving for social justice and equity.

However, an attitude of detached neutrality towards social injustice does not square well with the Western religious conscience. Beginning in the late nineteenth century, Christianity underwent a profound change in response to the widespread social ills of the time. It gave birth to a “social gospel,” a movement that applied Christian ethics of love and responsibility to such problems as poverty, inequality, crime, racial tensions, poor schools, and the danger of war. The social gospel proposed not merely the doing of deeds of charity in line with the original teachings of Jesus, but a systematic attempt to reform the oppressive power structures that sustained economic inequality, social injustice, exploitation, and the debasement of the poor and powerless. This radically new dimension of social concern brought deep-seated changes among Christians in their understanding of their own religion. Virtually all the major denominations of Christianity, Protestant and Catholic alike, came to subscribe to some version of the social gospel. Often, priests and ministers were at the forefront, preaching social change, leading demonstrations, spurring their congregations on to socially transformative action. Perhaps in our own time the person who best symbolizes this social dimension of modern Christianity is Rev. Martin Luther King, who, during his life, came to be known as “the moral voice of America”— not merely for his civil-rights campaigns but also because of his eloquent opposition to the Vietnam War and his commitment to the abolition of poverty.

The advocates of engaged spirituality understand the test of our moral integrity to be our willingness to respond compassionately and effectively to the sufferings of humanity. True morality is not simply a matter of inward purification, a personal and private affair, but of decisive action inspired by compassion and motivated by a keen desire to deliver others from the oppressive conditions that stifle their humanity. Those of true religious faith might look inward and upward for divine guidance; but the voice that speaks to them, the voice of conscience, says that the divine is to be found in loving one’s fellow human beings, and in demonstrating this love by an unflinching commitment to ameliorate their misery and restore their hope and dignity.

The prominence of the social gospel in contemporary Christianity has already had a far-reaching impact on Buddhism. It has been one catalyst behind the rise of “Engaged Buddhism,” which has become an integral part of the Western Buddhist scene. But behind both lies the European Enlightenment emphasis upon righting social wrongs and establishing a reign of justice. In the West, Engaged Buddhism has taken on a life of its own, assuming many new expressions. It deliberately sets itself against the common image of Buddhism as a religion of withdrawal and quiescence, looking on at the plight of suffering beings with merely passive pity. For Engaged Buddhism, compassion is not just a matter of cultivating sublime emotions but of engaging in transformative action. Since classical Buddhist monasticism does in fact begin with an act of withdrawal and aims at detachment, the rise of Engaged Buddhism constitutes a new challenge to Buddhist monasticism with the potential to redefine the shape of our monastic life.

4. Religious pluralism. A fourth factor working to change the shape of Buddhism in the West is the rise of what has been called “religious pluralism.” For the most part, traditional religions claim, implicitly or explicitly, to possess exclusive access to the ultimate means of salvation, to the liberating truth, to the supreme goal. For orthodox Christians, Christ is the truth, the way, and the life, and no one comes to God the Father except through him. For Muslims, Muhammad is the last of the prophets, who offers the final revelation of the divine will for humanity. Hindus appear more tolerant because of their capacity for syncretism, but almost all the classical Hindu schools claim final status for their own distinctive teachings. Buddhism too claims to have the unique path to the sole imperishable state of liberation and ultimate bliss, nirvana. Not only do traditional religions make such claims for their own creeds and practices, but their relations are competitive and often bitter if not aggressive. Usually, at the mildest, they propose negative evaluations of other faiths.

Within Buddhism, too, the relations between the different schools have not always been cordial. Theravadin traditionalists often regard Mahayanists as apostates from the proper Dharma; Mahayanist texts describe the followers of the early schools with the derogatory term “Hinayana,” though this has gone out of fashion. Even within the Theravada, followers of one approach to meditation might dispute the validity of different approaches. Within the Mahayana, despite the doctrine of “skillful means,” proponents of different schools might devalue the teachings of other schools, so that the “skillful means” are all within one’s own school, while the means adopted in other schools are decidedly “unskillful.”

In the present-day world, an alternative has appeared to this competitive way in which different religions relate to one another. This alternative is religious pluralism. It is based on two parallel convictions. One relates to a subjective factor: as human beings we have an ingrained tendency to take our own viewpoint to be uniquely correct and then use it to dismiss and devalue alternative viewpoints. Recognizing this disposition, religious pluralists say that we have to be humble regarding any claims to possess privileged access to spiritual truth. When we make such audacious claims, they hold, this is more indicative of our self-inflation than of genuine insight into spiritual truth.

The second conviction on which religious pluralism is based is that the different views and practices possessed by the different religious traditions need not be seen as mutually exclusive. They can instead be considered partly as complementary, as mutually illuminating; they may be regarded as giving us different perspectives on the ultimate reality, on the goal of the spiritual quest, on methods of approaching that goal. Thus, their differences can be seen to highlight aspects of the goal, of the human situation, of spiritual practice, etc., that are valid but unknown or under-emphasized in one’s own religion or school of affiliation.

Perhaps the most curious sign of religious pluralism in the Buddhist fold is the attempt made by some people to adopt two religions at the same time. We hear of people who consider themselves Jewish Buddhists, who claim to be able to practice both Judaism and Buddhism, assigning each to a different sphere of their lives. I have also heard of Christian Buddhists; perhaps too there are Muslim Buddhists, though I have not heard of any. To accept religious pluralism, however, one need not go to this extreme, which to me seems dubious. A religious pluralist will generally remain uniquely committed to a single religion, yet at the same time be ready to admit the possibility that different religions can possess access to spiritual truth. Such a person would be disposed to enter into respectful and friendly dialogue with those of other faiths. They have no intention of engaging in a contest aimed at proving the superiority of their own spiritual path, but want to learn from the other, to enrich their understanding of human existence by tentatively adopting an alternative point of view and even a different practice.

The religious pluralist can be deeply devoted to his or her own religion, yet be willing to temporarily suspend their familiar perspective in order to adopt another frame of reference. Such attempts might then allow one to discover counterparts of this different view within one’s own religious tradition. This tendency has already had a strong impact on Buddhism. There have been numerous Christian-Buddhist dialogues, seminars at which Christians and Buddhist thinkers come together to explore common themes, and there is a journal of Christian and Buddhist studies. Monasticism too has been affected by this trend. Journals are published on inter-monastic dialogue, and Tibetan Buddhist monks have even gone to live at Christian monasteries and Christian monks gone to live at Buddhist monasteries.

Among Buddhists it is not unusual, here in the West, for followers of one Buddhist tradition to study under a master of another tradition and to take courses and retreats in meditation systems different from the one with which they are primarily affiliated. As Westerners, this seems quite natural and normal to us. However, until recent times, for an Asian Buddhist, at least for a traditionalist, it would have been almost unthinkable, a reckless experiment.

***

Let me now sum up the territory I have covered. I have briefly sketched four characteristics of contemporary spirituality, ushered in by the transformation from a traditional to a modern or even post-modern culture. These characteristics have had a profound influence on mainstream religion in the West and have already started to alter the shape of Buddhist spirituality. The four are:

(1) The “leveling of distinctions,” so that the sharp distinctions between the ordained religious person and the lay person are being blurred or even abolished.

(2) The rise of “secular spirituality” or “spiritual secularity,” marked by a shift in the orientation of religion away from the quest for some transcendent state, a dimension beyond life in the world, towards a deep, enriching experience of the human condition and a transformative way of living within the world.

(3) The conviction that the mark of authentic religious faith is a readiness to engage in compassionate action, especially to challenge social and political structures that sustain injustice, inequality, violence, and environmental despoliation.

(4) Religious pluralism: abandoning the claim to exclusive religious truth and adopting a pluralistic outlook that can allow the possibility of complementary, mutually illuminating perspectives on religious truth and practice. This applies both to the relations of Buddhists with followers of other religions, and to the internal relations between followers of different Buddhist schools and traditions..

I now want to suggest that all four of these factors are going to present powerful challenges to Buddhist monasticism in the future, forcing us to rethink and re-evaluate traditional attitudes and structures that have sustained monastic life for centuries right up to the present. Indeed, these challenges have already been recognized in many quarters and the task of reshaping monasticism in response to them has already started.

As I said at the beginning of my talk, I am not going to advocate a fixed response to these challenges which I think is uniquely correct; for, as I said, I don’t have an unambiguous conviction about the best response. But to help us grapple with them, I want to posit, in relation to each of these four challenges, a spectrum of possible responses. These range from the conservative and traditionalist at one end to the liberal and accommodative on the other.

(1) Thus, with respect to “the leveling of distinctions,” we have at one end the traditionalist insistence on the sharp stratification of monastics and lay person. The monastic person is a field of merits, an object of veneration, alone entitled to claim the position of Dharma teacher; the lay person is essentially a supporter and devotee, a practitioner and perhaps an assistant in teaching activities, but always in a subordinate role. At the other end, the distinction between the two is almost erased: the monk and lay person are simply friends; the lay person might teach meditation and give Dharma talks, perhaps even conduct religious rites. Towards the middle we would have a situation in which the distinction between monastic and lay person is preserved, in which lay people accord the monastics traditional forms of respect, but the capacity for lay people to study and practice the Dharma extensively and in depth is well acknowledged. From this point of view, those who have fulfilled the requisite training, whether monastics or laypeople, can function as Dharma teachers, and independent lineages of lay teachers, not dependent on monastics, can be accepted and honored.

(2) Again, among the responses to the secularist challenge, we can see a spectrum. At one end is a traditionalist monasticism that emphasizes the classical teachings of karma, rebirth, the different realms of existence, etc., and sees the goal of monastic life to be the total ending of cyclic existence and the attainment of transcendent liberation. At the other end is a monasticism influenced by secularizing tendencies, which emphasizes the enrichment and deepening of immediate experience as sufficient in itself, perhaps even as “nibbana here and now” or the actualization of our Buddha-nature. Such an approach, it seems to me, is already found among some Western presentations of Soto Zen, and also seems to have gained currency in the way Vipassana meditation is taught in lay meditation circles. Between these two extremes, a centrist approach might recognize the mundane benefits of the Dharma and stress the value of acquiring a richer, deeper experience of the present, but still uphold the classical Buddhist framework of karma, rebirth, renunciation, etc., and the ideal of liberation from rebirth and attainment of world-transcendent realization. Again, whether this be understood from a Theravadin or Mahayanist point of view, a common stratum unites them and supports their respective monastic projects.

(3) With regard to engaged spirituality, at the conservative end of the sprectrum we find those who look critically at engaged Buddhist practices for monastics, holding that a proper monastic life requires a radical withdrawal from mundane activities, including all direct involvement in social, political, and economic action. The monastic can teach lay people the ethical values that conduce to greater social justice but should not become tainted by involvement with projects aimed at social and political transformations. At the other end are those who believe that monastics should be actively engaged in such activities, indeed that they should be at the forefront of the struggle for peace and social, economic, and political justice. A middle position might recognize the importance of developing a Buddhism that engages more fully with the world, but holds that monastics should serve as guides, sources of inspiration, and educators in programs of social engagement, while the hands-on work of dealing with governments, policy makers, and institutions should generally be entrusted to lay Buddhists.

(4) Finally, with respect to religious pluralism, we find, at the conservative end of the spectrum, monastics who believe that Buddhism alone has the ultimate truth and the unique path to spiritual liberation. Since those following other religions are immersed in wrong views, we have nothing to learn from them and would do best to avoid religious discussions with them except to persuade them of their errors. We can cooperate on projects aimed at worthy ends, such as world peace and environmental awareness, but there is no point exploring our religious differences, for such discussions lead nowhere. Conservative followers of a particular school of Buddhism might bring forth similar considerations in relation to Buddhists belonging to other schools. At the liberal end of the spectrum are monastics who believe that all religions teach essentially the same thing, and that it does not particularly matter which path one follows, for they all lead to the same goal. In the middle, we might find those who, while upholding the uniqueness of the Buddha’s teaching, also believe in the value of inter-religious dialogue, who recognize elements of truth and value in other religions, and who might be willing to live for periods in monasteries of another religion, or in monasteries belonging to a school of Buddhism different from that in which they have been trained.

It should be noted that while I designate certain positions as conservative and others as liberal, it is not necessary that the four conservative positions constitute an inseparable cluster and the four liberal and four middling positions other inseparable clusters. It is quite possible for one who takes a conservative position on one, two, or three of these issues to take a liberal or middling position on the fourth. Someone might take a conservative position on two issues and a middling or liberal stance on the other two. And conversely, taking the liberal and middling position as our basis, we can posit numerous combinations between them and conservative positions on the four issues. Thus a great number of permutations is possible.

In considering the different positions, the approach that seems to me most wholesome is one that conforms to the spirit of the middle way: on the one hand, avoiding rigidly clinging to long-established conventions and attitudes simply because they are familiar to us and give us a sense of security; on the other hand, exercising care not to lose sight of the basic principles of the Dharma, especially those that derive from the Buddha himself, just to accommodate new social and cultural conditions. In the end, it might be best that new forms evolve gradually in response to the new conditions we meet here in the West rather than through hasty decisions. Monasticism is, in any case, generally a fairly conservative force. This may be partly due to the temperament of those who ordain, partly due to the fact that Buddhist monasticism is an ancient institution—older than all the empires and kingdoms that have risen upon the face of the earth--and thus has acquired a weight that discourages random experimentation. In any case, the good Dharma flourishes to the extent that we remain firm in our commitment to the core principles of Buddhism as a whole and those that define our respective traditions while at the same time remaining open to the challenges, insights, and values of contemporary civilization.

But one point is certain: To preserve relevance, the Sangha must allow the forms and expressions of Buddhist monasticism to respond effectively to the new and unique challenges we face today. Our response should be marked by faith, flexibility and resiliency. Faith roots us in the Dharma, but it should not stiffen us. Flexibility allows us to adapt and thereby to keep in touch with the concerns of ordinary people; it is not a mark of weakness. To the contrary, with firm roots, we can bend with the wind without breaking and collapsing.

The challenges we face today can be seen, not as threats and dangers, but as calls to discover more deeply and authentically what it means to be a monastic in the contemporary world, which is so different from the world in which Buddhism was born.
Changes in forms and structures, in roles and ways of conducting our monastic lives, can be positive and healthy, a sign of the inner vitality of Buddhism and of our own confidence in the spiritual quest. We can look upon the changes that occur in response to the new challenges as the next step in the onward evolution of Buddhist monasticism, as the next bend in the river of the Dharma as it flows onwards from its ancient Asian homelands into the unchartered frontiers of the global 21st century.